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One of the hallmarks of a vibrant and thriving democracy is the presence of healthy debates and exchange of ideas and perspective from groups and individuals, especially of varying philosophies.
It would be an understatement indeed to say that for 22 years Mahathir was not someone who showed tolerance and respect for dissenting voices, whether within his government or otherwise. Indeed, his approach to governing essentially boiled down to, in my view, three basic rules: First, manufacture a sense of insecurity among Malays about the other races so that you can 'divide and conquer.' Clearly, his former colonial rulers were masters of this craft and Mahathir seems to really understand how to work this method. Second, don't tolerate dissent: 'it's my way or the highway.' Third, if there is dissent, it will be cast aside at just about any cost. I suggest to you that if you look back to any national episode in his 22 years of rule, his modus operandi can be summed up by the above three rules of thumb. Of course in 1969, we got a preview of what was to come. Back then when the country found itself at a political crossroads, Mahathir took it upon himself, to some extent, to play king-maker. As the social cauldron got stirred into a frenzy, we found ourselves as a nation at odds – and in conflict – with each other. The opportunists undermined our nationhood in part by manufacturing and then exploiting some of our insecurities about each other. Especially critical back then was the fact that we heard, not unlike today, warnings about 'unrest' and 'political turmoil' because of so-called 'extremists' among various quarters are making 'unreasonable' demands on the government. [note: here's an example of the 'divide and conquer' rule at play.] Out of this episode was born the Malaysia that, as prime minister, Mahathir nurtured and championed: a Malaysia in which we were reminded by the UMNO elite, at every turn, that non-Malays should 'know their place' and not question the new status quo of privileging Malays. [Note that this message was often delivered as, to put it mildly, a kind of admonishment to non-Malays and served as a seemingly populist rhetoric for ordinary (non-elite) Malays to consume. Indeed, contrary to the NEP agenda, the UMNO elitist deliberately set up the Malay agenda as a zero-sum game between Malay and non-Malay progress. No doubt, while the post-1969 UMNO elite did exploit the situation to create a new political arrangement, non-Malays consented to the need for social reform and the uplifting of our brethren who were economically disadvantaged. So, it should be realized that there was a reservoir of goodwill and realisation among non-Malays that served to advance the NEP agenda. And this is a critical point: despite [not because of] the animosity that was manufactured in 1969, we were able to come together, to transcend our differences and consent to work to build a common destiny. But the UMNO elite always played the 'race-card' to manufacture a false division and elected to 'remind' non-Malays to steer clear of, and 'not to trample' on Malay rights. In other words, the UMNO elite chose to legitimate themselves as the standard bearers of and 'natural protectors' of Malay rights! What was lost in this UMNO - and subsequently Mahathir's – rhetoric was the fact that Malaysians of ALL racial groups- and by mutual consent - had decided to move forward…beyond 1969. But Mahathir's formula of 'divide and conquer' dictated that the way to affirm Malay progress was to repeatedly remind the average Malay that the threat to his/her future came from the non-Malays. [But notice PAS, with all its emphasis on a Malay-Muslim agenda, did not advance itself on the 'divide and conquer' formula.] And the best way for Mahathir to manufacture ..... Read More Here
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