Tricia’s Viewpoint: Let us debate itSo deep-rooted is the consciousness of the Malay identity that it has been nearly impossible to critically examine its role in shaping the socio-political landscape of Malaysia. So entrenched is the expectation that being Malay will automatically qualify one for preferential economic policies in the form of the NEP – the New Economic Policy.
This has taken place in the shape of Anwar Ibrahim, ex-Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia. Hailing from Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), the political party formed to promote justice against his arrest in 1998, Anwar has actively campaigned despite not qualifying to contest in the elections. The de-facto party leader has been extremely vocal in calling for an end to the NEP (in the form of the National Vision Policy today); replacing it with a “Malaysian Economic Agenda”. Despite this, it is argued that Malays were still willing to vote for PKR against Barisan Nasional. Was the Malay swing significant enough to show support for NEP abolishment? This is difficult to determine since there were a multitude of other factors working against the BN, so that isolating the NEP itself as a deciding factor is erroneous. More importantly, even if this were true, can Anwar really replace the NEP given the present Malaysian socio-cultural context? First and central to the discourse is that many Malays cling onto a highly romanticised ideal of their special position in society. “Ketuanan Melayu”, or Malay supremacy, is a social construct brought up time and again in public discussion on inter-ethnic relationships. That identity, in turn, finds its origins in what is now commonly referred to as the “social contract” between Malays and non-Malays, in reality a politicised term introduced in Parliament in the 1980s. Believed to be the “exchange of citizenship for special rights”, this agreement is considered to be enshrined in the law. True enough, Article 153 of the 1957 Federal Constitution does provide for the special position of Malays, natives of Sabah and Sarawak, and other marginalised groups. However, what this special position means is open for debate. Some believe it merely meant socio-economic position, one that changes dynamically and hence can be renegotiated. Further, pre-independence documents – the Cobbold Commission Report, Federation of Malaya Constitutional Proposals and the Reid Commission Report – reveal that this position was meant to be temporary. The special “right” of Malays was therefore understood not as a God-given mark, but recognition of socioeconomic status until such a time this could be elevated. READ MORE HERE
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You think There can NEVER be any economic policy BETTER than NEP for Msia n for that matter the world ah?Pls lah ,Singapore is good example...it does not matter which [policy..as long as we hav GOOD ,CLEAN n COMPETENT leaders,we WILL hav GOOD policies that will benefit ALL RAKYAT esp. the poor .
Malays in Spore are not neglected,they don't cry for cruthces..they can compete with equal standing n succeed ...bcos they hav good governance.
In Msia,we hav to GET RID of every BN member ,n let DSAI take over to form CLEAN n FAIR gov FOR ALL.