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The case was already under appeal (by the Government) at the Supreme Court then. Additionally, Tunku Abdul Rahman had written in his column in The Star that, “I consider it improper and irregular for a leading political party to make use of its power to amass wealth at the expense of other business ventures.” By Hakim Joe
How many people remembered this day if I only mentioned the date? Hint, it was a Tuesday. No? How about Ops Lallang? (Or is it spelt with only one “l” as in Lalang?) Certainly a day of infamy that will forever rest in the minds of the people of Malaysia as it is the ultimate portrayal of an oppressive law that was blatantly used to silence the opposition. Democracy lost its meaning here from that day onwards. Was it a show of power by the Government or was the ISA arrests being forced on them as the Opposition was gaining control of the multiple events that was happening in the country? First and foremost, the April 27th UMNO general assembly party elections was a major contributing factor as the rivalry between Team A (UMNO Baru) consisting of Mahathir and Ghaffar Baba, and Team B (UMNO 46) consisting of Tengku Razaleigh and Musa Hitam intensified.
Other contributing factors included Opposition Leader Lim Kit Siang’s constant questioning of the North-South Highway privatization project that was awarded to UEM (50% owned by Hatibudi Sdn Bhd and lists Mahathir Mohamad, Ghaffar Baba, Daim Zainuddin and Sanusi Junid as the trustees), and the RM1.5 billion Co-Operatives Calamity did nothing except to worsen the volatile situation in Malaysia. Added to the fact that UMNO Youth (led by present Malaysian PM, Najib Razak) was rigorously “stirring the multiracial pot” with vows to bathe the keris with Chinese blood during a pro-UMNO rally at Kampung Baru and the passing in Parliament of the Official Secrets Act (OSA) amid rampant corruption by officials, added to the tension.
Officially, 106 people were arrested under the Internal Security Act (ISA). 16 DAP leaders, including 10 DAP Members of Parliament were detained for “undermining national security and confidence”. The PM left nobody out and even the UMNO Team B people were included in this crackdown (except for the Team B Leaders which would have caused an outright “war”).
19 people were detained on the first day. Among them are Lim Kit Siang (DAP Secretary-General), P. Patto (Ipoh MP and DAP deputy Secretary-General), Lim Guan Eng (Kota Melaka MP-DAP), Karpal Singh (Bukit Gelugor State MP-DAP and DAP National deputy Chairman), Dr V. David (Puchong MP-DAP and MTUC Secretary-General), Hu Sepang (Rasah MP-DAP), Kerk Kim Hock (Durian Daun State MP-DAP), Yang Kar Ming (Perak DAP Youth Chief), Dr Chandra Muzaffar (Aliran President), Lim Fong Seng (Chairman of the School Board of Governors of Confucian High School KL), Dr Tan Ka Kheng (Vice Chairman of Enviromental Protection Society of Malaysia), Chee Heng Leng (UPM Lecturer), Datuk Tan Chai Ho (MCA Senator & Vice Chairman of MCA Youth), Chan Kit Chee (Chairman of MCA Liaison Committee of Perak) & Yeshua Jamaluddin Othman (religious worker). At 10pm the next day, the official count was 54. Those arrested include Song Kang Swee (Bandar Maharani MP-DAP), Yau Jiok Hua (Kubu MP-DAP), Sim Tong Hin (Tengkera MP-DAP), Wee Choo Keong (Klang MP-DAP), Fahmi Ibrahim (Pandan MP-UMNO), Ibrahim Ali (Pasir Mas MP-UMNO), Tajuddin Rahman (Umno Youth), Arokia Dass (PSRM member), Philip Cheong (religious worker) and Datuk Yap Pian Hon (MCA Youth Chief and Sri Serdang MP). In the afternoon, the Home Ministry withdrew the printing and publishing licenses of the Star, Sin Chew Jit Poh and Watan. Later in the night, the tally grew to 63.
On 29 October 1987, another 16 were arrested bringing the total to 79. Those arrested include Lau Dak Lee (Pasir Pinji MP-DAP), Ngoi Thiam Woh (Kampar MP-DAP) and Ong Tin Kim (Teluk Intan MP-PGRM). On 30 October, it was 88. Those arrested include Dr Eng Seng Chai (Petaling Jaya MP-DAP), Chan Tze Yuen (MCA member) and Harrison Ngau (social activist).
There was only 1 arrest made on 31 October and another 2 on 1 November 1987. These arrests were made in Singapore (by Singaporean Special Branch) and include Ahmad Sebi Abu Bakar (Sistem TV Malaysia MD), Patricia Lourdes and Sebil John. By noon the next day the tally grew to 93. 14 November saw another 2 arrests, Tang See Hang (Rawang MP-MCA) and Dr Tan Seng Giaw (Kepong MP-DAP) and another 6 were arrested on16 November. By 20 November, 106 people were arrested. The actual number of arrests was never confirmed as the news media were ordered not to disclose the names of those who were arrested beginning mid-November 1987. There were 4 women amongst those arrested and the actual number of ISA arrests was as high as 119 (according to New York Times), not 106. The four females are Theresa Lim Chin Chin (religious worker & Aliran member), Chee Heng Leng (UPM lecturer, arrested in Singapore), Cecilia Ng (UPM lecturer & social activist) and Patricia Lourdes (social worker).
Amongst the 106 arrested in the ISA blitz were Wee Choo Keong (DAP legal advisor), Dr Tuang Pik King (Vice President of Jian Zong), Dr Kua Kia Soong (Publicity Chief of Civil Rights Committee), Dr Mohd Nasir Hashim (UKM Associate Professor), Sim Mou Yu (President of Jian Zong), Lee Chan Fei (MCA Batu Gajah Division Chairman), Hiew Yun Tat (Chairman of Perak Anti-Radioactive Committee), Hiew Yew Lan (Gerakan Ipoh Municipal Councillor), Lee Koon Bun (Vice Chairman of Perak Anti-Radioactive Committee), Liew Chong Beng (exco member of the Selangor Chinese School Action Committee), Meenakashi Raman (Legal Advisor to Consumer Association of Penang), Abdul Latif Mohamad (PAS Youth Leader), Haji Muhammad Ariff Yaacob (Perak PAS ulamak chief), Muhamad Sabu (Penang PAS Youth Chief), Bunyamin Haji Yaakob (Kelantan PAS Youth leader), Khaled Abu Samad (PAS Youth Secretary), Mohamed Yusuf Karim (head of the Naksabandiah Religious Group), Haji Suhaimi Saad (PAS Legal advisor), Tajuddin Abdul Rahman (Deputy Chairman of Perak UMNO Youth), Mohamed Yunus Lebai Ali (PAS Baling Division secretary), Halim Arshat (PAS Youth Chief), Brother Anthony Rogers (assistant director of the National Office for Human Development), Yang Khar Ming (hawker), Lai Thean Loy (businessman), Tan Bee Hwa (Christian Missionary), Pang Chau Nam (unemployed), Eng Thiang Lai (MCA Youth Leader), Thean Kooi (businessman), Loong Ming (rubber tapper), Lai Shew Yet (businessman), Dr Poh Boon Sing (UPM lecturer), Low Tin Hock (self-employed), James Lai Chee Seng (Pastor of First Baptist Church), Wong Heng Wee (rubber tapper), Loh Foh Lai (rubber tapper), Chow Chee Keong (engineer), Chew Wa Boo (vegetable seller), Sivamoorty a/l Solai (lawyer), Chay Tow Wah (farmer), Cheong Ah Kow (insurance agent), Kee Chong (saw miller), Hilmy Mohamed Nor (Christian convert) and lots more. Pasar malam hawker, rubber tapper, vegetable seller, saw miller, farmer, pastor, insurance agent? Arrested under the ISA for undermining the security of the country? Wow! On 20 November 1987, the Chairman of MCA Liaison Committee of Perak, Chan Kit Chee was the first of the ISA detainees to be released. Also released were Cheng Poh Yu (Gerakan), Ngoi Yan Noh (DAP), Mohd Ali Napiah (PAS), Low Foh Lai, Lai Thean Loy, Tan Bee Hwa, Wong Ah Wan, Ahmad Sebi, Haji Ghulan Hassan, Wong Weng and Nelson Koh (12 in total). On 23 November 1987, eight detainees applied for the writs of habeas corpus at KL High Court. The highly-efficient presiding High Court Judge, Tan Sri Abdul Hamid, proceeded to dismiss all the applications the very next day.
On 25 November 1987, 4 trade union detainees were released. On 30 November 1987, appeals by 4 defendants were made to the Supreme Court. 10 ISA detainees were released including 5 politicians (3 MCA, 1 PGRM and 1 DAP).
On 12 December 1987, 20 ISA detainees were released including 13 political leaders and on 18 December 1987, 8 ISA detainees were released. On 23 December 1987, Tun Salleh Abbas, Tan Sri Lee Hun Hoe and Tan Sri Hashim Yeop Sani rejected the applications. On 26 December 1987, 7 ISA detainees were released. On 12 January 1988, Karpal Singh became the first of the DAP leaders to apply for the writ of habeas corpus at the Ipoh High Court. His application was rejected.
On 4 February 1988, UMNO was declared an illegal organisation by the High Court and on 14 February 1988, UMNO Baru was formed. On 22 March 1988, the Star, Sin Chew Jit Poh and Watan regained their publication permits. On the next day, TDM presented his White Paper on Operation Lallang named “Towards Preserving National Security” in Parliament. Of the 17 DAP parliamentarians, only 9 were present. On 3 June 1988, 7 ISA detainees were released and on 19 July 1988, another 2 ISA detainees were released. On 25 August 1988, Brother Anthony Rogers was finally released along with 3 other detainees. On 17 September 1988, another 7 ISA detainees were released. One of the first successful applications for habeas corpus was made on 2 September 1988 by Yeshua Jamaluddin. He was released by the KL High Court on 6 October 1988 after spending almost a year in detention without trial. Philip Cheong was granted bail on 10 November 1988. Social activists Sebil John Joseet and Irene Lourdes Xavier were released on 20 October 1988.
On 14 January 1989, another 9 ISA detainees were released. P. Patto (DAP), Karpal Singh (DAP), Mohd Yusof Husin (PAS), Che Kamaruzaman Che Ismail (PAS) and Dr Mohd Nasir Hashim (PSRM) were finally released on 26 January 1989.
The final two ISA detainees to be released on 19 April 1989 were (drum roll) Lim Kit Siang and his son Lim Guan Eng. All conditions imposed on DAP and PAS politicians upon their release were lifted on the same day. 7 individuals (Lau Ah Kau, Harrison Ngau, Kee Chong, Ooi Teck Chye, Hassan Yaacub, Cheong Ah Kow and Mok Kwai) were released prior to 1989 but no dates were recorded.)
So, what was achieved by these mass arrests under the ISA? Look at it this way, if indeed these 106/107/119 people were “undermining the security of the country”, the conditions in Malaysia after their arrests would have improved drastically, correct? Well, it didn’t. UMNO Team A “UMNO Baru” (Mahathir, Ghaffar & Daim) was still fighting with UMNO Team B “Semangat UMNO 46” (Tengku Razaleigh, Musa Hitam & Rais Yatim). The Co-Operatives still went bankrupt. The North-South Highway project was still awarded to UEM. Let’s look at the events preceding Operation Lallang, if indeed it was due primarily to these events that perpetuated the 27 October 1987 mass arrests. Pro-Mahathir supporters say it is so. Anti-Mahathir supporters say that Ops Lallang was merely an excuse to purge the UMNO ranks of the Team B supporters and to serve as a dire warning of the consequences of going against him. Regardless of whatever the reasons may be, the DAP and the Chinese community bore the brunt of this infamous event. Firstly, the illegal deposit taking Co-operatives (DTC). What was a case of financial fraud became a case of race as Gerakan and MCA hedged between helping the people, and unswerving obedience to UMNO. This was because a lot of the “top” people involved in the DTCs are MCA members, including former Deputy Minister in the Prime Minister s Department Datuk Tan Tiong Hong (who turned state's witness and had all his charges absolved), Datuk Kee Yong Wee, ex-Deputy Minister of Trade and Industry and businessman, Datuk Wang Choon Wing, former Deputy Minister for Youth, Culture & Sports, a post he held briefly after the August 1986 Elections and businessman Datuk Yap Peng. DAP had much earlier brought this issue to the attention of Parliament but nothing was done to prevent the 34 major DTCs from continuing to illegally accept deposits until it was too late. UMNO was against the proposals to refund the depositors on a dollar-to-dollar basis while DAP, Gerakan and MCA was for it. This break in ranks was unprecedented in Malaysian political history as the MCA ministers and deputy ministers threatened to resign en masse. UMNO Youth (led by Najib Razak) condemned this action and called for the Government to review the parties’ position in the BN coalition. So, what was basically a financial issue quickly became what Aliran President, Dr Chandra Muzaffar, called “ethnic heroism”. UMNO Youth also called for the sacking of Datuk Lee Kim Sai (Labor Minister) from the Coalition. The 1988 Budget was also scheduled to be read in Parliament on the 23 October 1987.
Secondly, the North-South Highway (NSH) privatization project that was awarded to UEM ahead of other companies, became a focal point in Parliament when Minister of Works, Samy Vellu inadvertently disclosed in Parliament that UEM’s major shareholder, Hatibudi Sdn Bhd, had four trustees and they were the PM (Mahathir), DPM (Ghaffar Baba), Finance Minister (Daim Zainuddin) and UMNO Secretary-General (Sanusi Junid). On 5 October 1987, Justice VC George had rejected appeals by Government and UEM to set aside the interim injunction. The case was already under appeal (by the Government) at the Supreme Court then. Additionally, Tunku Abdul Rahman had written in his column in The Star that, “I consider it improper and irregular for a leading political party to make use of its power to amass wealth at the expense of other business ventures.” Thirdly, the posting of administrators without Mandarin qualifications in Chinese primary schools by the Education Minister, DSAI, was seen as an overt threat to the Chinese community (even after DSAI had reiterated that the clause to “convert national-type primary schools to national primary schools if and when the Education Ministry deems it necessary” will be removed from the Education Act 1961). DSAI knew that any move by the Government to change how the national-type schools were administrated would be construed as hostile but yet he did it anyway. The DAP-Gerakan-MCA formed a joint action committee after their meeting at Thean Hou Temple and passed a resolution to boycott classes from 15 October to 17 October if this issue was not settled by then. UMNO backbenchers criticized MCA for their actions and once again an administrative issue was turning fast into a race issue. Fourthly, 5 mosques in Pahang were burnt down by arsonists between 29 and 31 August 1987. There was also the alleged conversion of 66,000 Muslims to Christianity as claimed by Haji Yusof Rawa. Fifthly, the Malaysian economic situation was not good with a forecast of a mere 2% growth in 1988. Unemployment was a record high at 9.4%. Petronas was asked by the Government to “turn on the tap” to offset the current and impending economical downfall. And then there was the UMBC share transaction issue connected to Daim, the EPF-Makuwasa shares allocations, the Fleet Group/Paremba deals, the Bank of Commercial affair and Bank Negara’s “purchase” of MISC and MAS shares plus a lot more (Felda, Supreme Finance, Jalan Ipoh toll plaza, etc). Accordingly, Malaysians and Malaysia was in a state of “tension” (not panic yet). Luckily the proposed UMNO rally was called off. Sixthly, the battle between PAS, Semangat UMNO 46 and UMNO threatened to split the Malay vote into 3 and if this was allowed to happen, the consequences could be far-fetching whereby DAP could profit immensely from it. In the 1986 general elections, DAP had the second highest vote count (approximately 1 million) after UMNO (approximately 1.5 million). Lastly and most importantly, the power struggle within UMNO as well as the crisis of confidence within the BN coalition. So, what was it that made the Government launch the biggest crackdown since May 13? For more information, read the Inter-Parliamentary Union publication “The Real Reason”.
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