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The Pakatan Rakyat coalition has been perceived to be formidable, but some observers say it is due to a weakened Barisan Nasional rather than a strong Pakatan. Much more needs to be done before it can really market itself as an effective alternative coalition. THE CORRIDORS OF POWER By BARADAN KUPPUSAMY,THE STAR
The founding of the Pakatan Rakyat coalition is undoubtedly a landmark event this year, but the irony is that it came after the March 8 general election results which saw the Barisan Nasional losing its two-thirds majority in Parliament and five of the biggest states. Like the opposition Gagasan Rakyat coalition two decades ago the opposition offered a loose coalition to the people but unlike the former, the latter had two things going for it – a seat-sharing agreement that saw one-to-one contests against the Barisan Nasional (BN) and the charismatic leadership of Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim. Anwar, unlike Gagasan leader Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, managed to iron out differences, glue the opposition together and worked tirelessly. Being aggrieved himself after his sacking as deputy Prime Minister and having spent six years in jail on what he claimed were trumped-up charges, Anwar easily connected with a people aggrieved and alienated by the perceived arrogance of BN leaders.  Popular wave: PKR’s Datin Seri Wan Azizah Wan Ismail waving to her supporters after being named the candidate for Permatang Pauh in the March 8 general election. She won the seat and later resigned to pave the way for her husband, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, to make his return to politics. But the scale of its victory on March 8 was unexpected. Even Opposition party leaders were taken aback by the size of the victory, but despite hiccups the Opposition political parties rose to the occasion, the spoils of victory were shared amicably and they successfully formed governments in the states they won. That success and the fact that the combined opposition had won five states and denied the BN its vaunted two-thirds majority is in itself a victory without parallel. It signals that the political landscape has changed fundamentally and for good. “The dominance of one party over national politics is all but over,” said Dr Denison Jayasooria, political observer and Suhakam commissioner. “There are multiple voices now and multiple options. People have greater space and more choices. “There is a viable alternative coalition to the BN that successfully rules five big states and they have a major presence in Parliament,” he said, adding that the change is probably the most significant political event since Independence. “For the first time we have effective check and balance. The BN government is constantly on its toes. “Despite obstacles Pakatan also managed to ensure fairer representation for non-Malays in the Pakatan-ruled state governments,” Dr Denison said. Nine months later and despite continuing unresolved differences - mostly between the Islamist Pas and the secular DAP over “creeping Islam” and secular rights - the Pakatan-ruled states have fundamentally changed the way of governing. There is greater transparency, accountability and humility when making decisions. Minorities have a bigger say now and there is genuine effort at equitable sharing between the races and involvement of civil society in discussion and problem solving. “Before we tried and never met the former Mentri Besar but since the Pakatan came to power we have met the new Mentri Besar 17 times since March 8,” said lawyer K. Arumugam, who heads an Indian-based NGO, referring to Pakatan’s Selangor Mentri Besar Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim. “They even asked for our input during pre-Budget discussions and later we saw our views were incorporated into the Budget and funds were allocated,” he said. It is the same in Perak, Penang and other Pakatan-ruled states – a breath of fresh air and a new egalitarian manner of managing the government is taking shape. Nevertheless it is not all that smooth running. Widespread grassroots mobilisation during the run-up to the March 8 election, including the rise of the Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) as a political force, had raised public expectations to a level not seen before. Such expectations are putting huge pressure on the Pakatan state governments to deliver the goods literally by tomorrow. “The expectations are that high, and we wish we have a magic wand to solve each and every problem faced by the people,” said Selangor exco-member Dr Xavier Jeyakumar, who is occupying one of the hottest seats in the five Pakatan-ruled states. “There are 600,000 Indians in Selangor and they see me as the one person who can solve all their woes instantly,” he said. “Most of them are low-income earners and face numerous hardship. “Some of them can’t pay their utilities bills. Their low-cost flats and motorcycles are often repossessed. It is really tough going,” he said. Another factor which has set back Pakatan and adversely affected its credibility is Anwar’s botched grab for power by trying to engineer defections and taking over the government by Sept 16.  Pakatan Rakyat leaders (from left to right): Datuk Seri Hadi Awang (PAS president), Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim (PKR de facto leader) and Lim Kit Siang (DAP adviser) in a joint meeting in November. Pakatan leaders now readily admit that the failed putsch had dented their credibility and even Anwar admitted he had made a mistake by revealing his hands to his enemies. If that really is the case then it reflects poorly on his strategic thinking because even when admitting shortcomings, he revealed that his target now is to capture Sarawak and rope in its 31 Members of Parliaments to take over Putrajaya. Sabah, which he had frequently boasted before as the first state to defect in the run-up to the Sept 16 takeover, is now conveniently forgotten. He might think such schemes keep up the spirit of Pakatan supporters and prevent them from drifting away but the danger of rising expectations and failing to deliver is ever present. There is also some unhappiness at the slow pace that the Pakatan is taking to evolve into an effective alternative coalition. In name Pakatan is jointly managed by leaders of all three parties, but effectively Anwar is the man who calls the shots and sets the agenda. “He is the boss. We all defer to him because he made March 8 possible,” said a senior DAP leader who did not want to be named. “If we ever occupy Putrajaya it is because of him.” Such obeisance to Anwar and his ambitions might be Pakatan’s undoing because until now Pakatan has not consolidated itself as a formidable coalition the way that BN has. It has not formed a shadow Cabinet or shown a willingness to iron out major intra-Pakatan differences for good. It has not formulated a clear mission statement that is acceptable to PAS and DAP, and both remain at odds over major issues. Not only is Anwar unwilling to formally head the Pakatan Rakyat, he is also reluctant to formally take over as president of his own party, Parti Keadilan Rakyat. “The growth of Pakatan as a formidable alternative coalition able to withstand pressure is not happening yet,” said Dr Denison. “The Pakatan state governments have really taken off but the Pakatan coalition is not taking root yet.” Some political experts say it is not so much that the Pakatan Rakyat coalition is formidable, but that the BN is in such disarray after suffering massive losses that it has given rise to the perception that Pakatan is strong in comparison. BN component political parties are all questioning Umno’s dominance and the “accepted” rules of the game. Everything is in a fluid state. In such a situation Pakatan Rakyat, which is still in its infancy, can sit back and enjoy the show but only for as long as the BN struggles to find its footing again. If the BN does, a dreadful battle is ahead for Pakatan to remain influential.
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