Najib looks set to become Malaysia’s sixth Prime Minister in March next year. — Picture by Choo Choy May
"The prince", in its various meanings, perhaps offers a crude and simplistic insight into Najib's possible behaviour as Prime Minister.
With less than two weeks to go for Umno divisional meetings and no rival nomination as yet to his candidacy as president, Najib looks set to become Malaysia's sixth Prime Minister in March next year.
It has been a long way to the top for the eldest son of Malaysia's second Prime Minister Tun Abdul Razak Hussein.
Najib's career had a head-start because of his prestigious family name, but as the skeletons in the cupboard appear to pile up, Najib faces ever more challenges.
Born in 1953, Najib contested his late father's seat of Pekan when the latter died in office in 1976. He was then slightly below 23 years old and still holds the record as the youngest Malaysian ever to enter Parliament.
Najib held several deputy ministerial appointments between 1978 and 1982. In 1982, at the age of 29, he was made the Menteri Besar of Pahang. He served two stints as Minister of Defence (1990-1995, 1999-2008), and served as Minister of Youth and Sports (1986-1990) and Minister of Education (1995-1999).
A decade ago, Najib was the other candidate in the race to fill the No. 2 post in Umno and government left vacant as a result of Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim's sacking.
But as Anwar was dismissed on alleged personal improprieties and misuse of power, then Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad selected the unimpressive but religious and squeaky clean Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi as his deputy and later his successor.
Najib almost lost his parliamentary seat in the 1999 general election, winning with a 241-vote majority.
Najib tried in vain to derail Abdullah's ascension in mid-2003 and later swallowed his pride to serve as Abdullah's deputy since 2004, biding his time to make his next move.
In the lead-up to the 2006 Umno general assembly, Najib and Dr Mahathir were seen preparing the ground for a showdown with Abdullah. But Dr Mahathir was immobilised by a heart attack while Najib was mired in the unfolding Altantunya case. It was thus smooth sailing for Abdullah.
As support for Abdullah within and outside Umno collapses due to the poor performance of Umno/BN in the general election and Abdullah's failure to work a post-election second wind, Najib finally comes close to the job he probably sees as his birthright.
Apart from his personal failures, Abdullah's downfall is, of course, in part the work of Najib the prince, the master of palace manoeuvres.
Najib's camp was said to be involved in sabotaging candidates parachuted by the Fourth Floor during the March 8 general election.
Initially, Najib reluctantly accepted a deal to succeed Abdullah in June 2010 but, in cohorts with Dr Mahathir and Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin, a groundswell of disaffection against Abdullah was manufactured, leaving Abdullah little choice but to agree to retire earlier.
Years ago in 1987, with an impressive power base and holding the balance of power in the Team A and Team B fight, in a move not unlike palace betrayal, Najib abandoned the Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah camp at the last minute and contributed to Dr Mahathir's narrow win.
Having the most extensive internal networks within the government and Umno, and long years of experience in factional trading in Umno, unlike the hapless Abdullah, Najib is likely to be master of his own destiny in the twists and turns of Umno's palace.
Najib may also excel as the Machiavellian prince, ever prepared to be hated so long as he is able to maintain power.
Even Abdullah, a man more humane in his outlook than most of his colleagues, failed to push for more civil liberties and democratic reform. Najib is unlikely to be a new democrat, as the fear of becoming Malaysia's Gorbachev looms large.
The Machiavellian-Mahathir recipe of authoritarianism will probably be reincarnated in Najib's government.
Najib the prince's Achilles heel could be his political blue blood and his inability to comprehend the common man's life and needs.
During the fuel hike in 2006, Najib's "change lifestyle" statement was not unlike the "let them eat cake" comment commonly attributed to Maria Antoinette.
The alleged wrongdoings in the multi-billion Eurocopter and Sukhoi deals are just examples that add to the agony of low-level military personnel and reinforce Najib's image as one who only cares for big-ticket weaponry.
The RM5 billion Valuecap move to prop up the market by using the life savings of the common man with the Employees Provident Fund is another blunder that manifests Najib's failure to feel the layman's pain in the face of the impending economic meltdown.
The Najib premiership is likely to be a combination of Najib the master of palace wayang kulit, Najib the Machiavellian authoritarian prince and Najib the blue blood who fails to understand the ordinary people.
