Tun Abdul Razak Hussein was credited with the establishment of pro-Malay institutions such as PNB, Mara, Felda, etc. However, his most treasured legacy that has not been talked about much is the formation of the Barisan Nasional in the aftermath of the traumatic May 13 riots. After the 1969 general election, Gerakan and Pas joined this coalition but Pas left a few years later. What would Najib have done in the face of a similar scenario? Educated, affable and well placed in the top strata of society, Najib is poised to help strengthen the social fabric of the nation. However, unlike his father, his political posturing and stance thus far has never been that convincing.
Like a wizard, Najib needs somehow to magically erase his involvement in many controversial events. He was directly involved in the events leading up to the 1987 Operasi Lalang. His fiery and divisive speech when he was the Umno Youth chief had antagonised the non-Malays and did not go down well with many BN component parties and the opposition. He would have to undergo some form of ritual cleansing to instil confidence in the non- Malays and general public to project that he is not only capable of leading the country but also a worthy and just leader.
Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's tumultuous era saw many attempts to polarise society even further. The politicking from both sides of the divide is getting increasingly out of hand and Abdullah failed to control the situation. Najib has his work cut out with the current global economic crisis but it would be wise for him to focus on the domestic front where apart from the economy, race relations should be his top priority. Recognising this fact, Abdullah has already said that Najib's biggest challenge is national unity.
Najib's deafening silence following the aftermath of the Hindraf and the recent Bar Council anti-apostasy demonstrations does not bode well with the general public. Another is his inability to demand that Datuk Ahmad Ismail be severely reprimanded for the “squatter” remarks made during the Permatang Pauh by-election which was seen as distasteful to many including ordinary Umno members. As the second man in charge, Najib did not lend a helping hand to Abdullah during this period. He was unable to provide a sense of calm and rational arguments to appease the feuding parties. On the other hand, Pakatan managed to gain the support of the middle ground and the bulk of the non-Malays. It is a tall order for Najib to outdo and attempt to regain lost ground.
There is a big likelihood that Najib's administration, unlike Abdullah’s, will be more decisive which will result in a more united and disciplined BN. Many in Umno and BN component parties understand that they need to strengthen the coalition, but with Umno defending the Malay agenda with much fervour, the others have threatened to quit the coalition if the arrogance and rhetoric are not toned down. Elements within the MCA, Gerakan and PPP have in different breaths stated that parting ways with Umno is a real possibility. One Umno Youth division chief in Perak, in an exasperated tone, said: "BN’s unprecedented loss of a two-thirds majority in the March 8 general election is a lesson to all. The lesson is how all the races can work together. At the moment, the leadership is not providing any answers" when asked about the current malaise in the BN.
Najib is expected to make several major concessions early on to appease the other BN component parties. Rewards in the form of positions and power in the government, agencies and government-linked companies will be offered to component party leaders. However, there is no clear vision or formula from the top leadership — which apparently includes Najib — to strengthen the working relationship between component parties in the BN. Pointing out the essence of the problem and the kind of cooperation that is required, an Umno state legislator from Penang said: "It (the cooperation between BN component parties) must go beyond just mere power sharing. There is a lack of desire for true partnership or camaraderie between the component parties. There is no sincerity." It is difficult to see the old mantra of 1970s style cooperation and power sharing being able to sustain a healthy BN.
Najib knows that he needs a cohesive BN to stifle Pakatan’s growing influence, and he also needs to address the grouses of BN component parties. BN will perhaps superficially and temporarily appear more solid and stronger under Najib, but the domineering attitude of Umno will remain and may affect the unity of BN as a whole. He will also have to discipline Umno warlords from contributing to the internal clashes within BN which may lead to the downfall of the coalition and this is a challenge that will knock on his door continuously.
To most Umno supporters they worry that the Malays i.e. Umno are losing power after having lost Kedah, Perak and Selangor. They also solemnly believe that the Malays should reign supreme on all fronts — economic, social, etc. To them, a softening in the tone for the Malay agenda is humiliating and degrades the party and the Malays in general. Hence, Najib is not expected to tone down the Malay agenda in his attempt to consolidate Umno as it is a powerful tool to gain the support of the Malays. Whether he will be going down the same road that his father left for Malaysians, and strengthening national unity based on power sharing alone remains to be seen.
He may be able to buy cooperation temporarily but as the coffers dry up, loyalty will go out the window almost instantaneously.
Muaz Omar is a consultant at a regional stakeholders management firm based in Kuala Lumpur. The article reflects the writer’s personal view.
