The competition between the two ideas did have a role in the outcome of the election but it was definitely not the sole factor.
Prior to the general election, the BN-led government on an almost daily basis continued to insult the intelligence of Malaysians through the mainstream media. That insult later turned into a battle of credibility as many fought back on the Internet and with other means. What happened afterwards was a very personal and public battle between former Information Minister Datuk Zainudin Maidin and the local blogosphere.
BERSIH, meanwhile, took to the streets to demand democratic reforms. This not only attracted sympathisers from the DAP, Pas and PKR but also those who truly believed in the need for a better democratic system. In fact, many just simply wanted to express their general discontent with the BN-led federal government.
Corruption, meanwhile, was perceived as rampant thanks to several cases such as the ones involving Zakaria Mat Deros, ECM-Libra and even the procurement of weapons. The 2007 Auditor-General’s report, which lists down the excesses of various ministries, made the situation even worse for the BN.
Crime also was on the list. The tragic story of Sharlinie remained unresolved while the Altantuya murder case with its links to the upper echelon of government very much unsettled ordinary voters.
There was more but while these issues were racially neutral, they did not fit into the racial-non-racial dichotomy. One can definitely be a believer in racial politics but at the same time be concerned with issues of crime, corruption and democratic reforms.
One could even fight against the BN while believing in racial politics. The anti-Abdullah fraction is one such case. Former Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad went as far as to encourage Umno members to vote against the BN.
In short, people on both sides were angry with the BN. All things considered, protest votes rather than a belief in non-racial politics may have played a larger role in the results of the March 8 general election.
The role of racial politics is instructive in how PKR placed itself in front of a less liberal Malay audience with regard to matters concerning the New Economic Policy. While PKR as well as Pakatan indeed promote an inclusive merit-based affirmative action dubbed the New Economic Agenda as an alternative, the argument against the NEP — the one policy with great association with the racial politics of the BN — was not positioned diametrically to the concept of the NEA.
On the contrary, PKR continues to persuade the average Malay to abandon the NEP or its legacy by stressing that its implementation has been corrupted over the years by the corrupt Umno. PKR is happy to point out that the implementation of the NEP nowadays is flawed while acknowledging the earlier success of the policy. One will be hard-pressed to find a statement where PKR officially stated that the NEP is conceptually flawed.
Furthermore, PKR does endeavour to convince the average Malay that the welfare of many Malays would continue to be guaranteed under the NEA since the Malays, as it is generally believed, make up a majority of the Malaysian underclass.
The point with the position of the PKR with respect to the NEP and the Malays is that the average Malay is still concerned with the well-being of their race. PKR recognises this and, with this cognizance, has frequently pointed out that the party will defend Article 153 of the Constitution, which safeguards the special position of the Malays in the country. If PKR is to reject Article 153, it would be interesting to see how the Malays, even those supportive of PKR, would react.
While there is a hint of racial politics in the way PKR handles the NEP in front of the average Malay audience, the tactics lead to a strategic end of a non-racial outcome i.e. the end justifies the means. After all, the creation of an egalitarian society is dependent on convincing the average Malay of its need and benefits.
PKR is not the only component party within Pakatan Rakyat which uses racial politics. The existence of Pas itself is closely predicated upon racial politics. Within the Malaysia context, religion is a component of racial politics, as with languages and education among others. This is especially so when Article 160 of the Constitution defines a Malay as a Muslim.
If that is an unconvincing point, then consider the existence of factions within Pas which wish to cooperate with Umno in order to secure Malay-Muslim influence in local politics. The prospect of non-Malays, non-Muslims dominating Pakatan is enough of an incentive for some in Pas to work with Umno.
And surely, Pakatan has been a great beneficiary of racial politics as demonstrated by the support the coalition receives from Hindraf and sympathisers of the movement. While it is possible to see Hindraf as a civil liberty movement which seeks equality, the movement undeniably positioned itself well within the scope of racial politics.
Perhaps, the greatest proof of the continuing relevance of racial politics is the oft-overlooked fact that the BN actually won the general election from the perspective of popular votes as well as from the perspective of seats won.
Nevertheless, just as the success of Pakatan cannot be fully attributed to the appeal of non-racial politics, the victory of the BN cannot be fully attributed to racial politics either. Yet, it is likely that after considering other factors, racial politics would still play a large part.
Even if racial politics has lost its appeal to many, it still appeals to a considerable number — if not the majority — of Malaysians.
The only way to ascertain the end of racial politics as a major factor in Malaysian politics is to see how large a factor it will play in the next general election or even the one after. Everybody should be wary of making one grand conclusion based on one observation, however reliable it may be.
The abandonment of racial politics would see a schism in the three big parties in the BN, namely Umno, MCA and MIC. Though purely conjecture, the prospect of ethno-nationalists — be they Malay, Chinese, Indian or my favourite group "dan lain-lain" — breaking away from a unitary multiracial BN is not an outlandish possibility.The new BN may find itself sandwiched between Pakatan on the left and a new ethno-nationalist entity on the right. Hitler lost his wars by fighting two fronts simultaneously; a new BN, finding itself between a rock and a hard place, may just share the same fate.
Hafiz Noor Shams is predicting the outcome of the next general election at maddruid.com
- The Malaysian Insider
