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Homeless: the Malay Left Rehabilitated? PDF Print
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Friday, 18 July 2008 14:53

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The subtitle of Mencari Jalan Pulang, Daripada Sosialisma Kepada Islam, aptly describes a confused soul who was sesat jalan – lost on his way to a nowhere place, headed in a nowhere direction. Why did he become a born –again Muslim after he had embraced scientific socialism as an ideology?

Hishamuddin Rais 

Reviewed by Hishamuddin Rais The Edge June 2008

When I was in secondary school in 1969, I used to pin on my locker a self-made mini poster of Sidang Roh, Kassim Ahmad’s controversial poem, as decorative art. It was Kassim too who introduced me to Yusuf in A Common Story, about a kampong boy who went away to study at a university in cosmopolitan Singapore. Yusof I thought was almost the alter ego of Kassim. He was the narrator of the young kampong boy in angst over religion and worldly affairs.

I was young, innocent and growing up, looking for ideas and reference points when I stumbled into Kassim, whom I thought then was an engaging Malay intellectual. When I entered University of Malaya in 1971, Kassim was already the party chief of the Kepala Lembu [Cows Head] (the popular name for Party Sosialis Rakyat Malaya). Kassim was often invited to participate in various student activities. Without fail, I attended almost all his forum and debates. Unfortunately, I came to realise that the Kassim I admired was not an eloquent speaker; he was boring and unimpressive in person.

Reading Mencari Jalan Pulang, Kassim’s autobiography, one is left with a similar impression. The engaging Malay intellectual I once thought I knew does not sum up his life experience by making coherent the events that mattered to him. This is the writer who reedited the Hikayat Hang Tuah and brilliantly introduced Jebat as the icon for a progressive Malay society, but he does not reevaluate and to furnish us with the participant’s details of what really happened while he was the main player in the Malaysian political landscape. One would have thought he might at least give readers his version of those events – or Kassim Ahmad’s definitive interpretations.

His growing up in rural Kedah, the poverty that surrounded him; growing up during the Japanese Occupation; the war of liberation against the British; these are major events that must have played a major part in shaping his proto-left leanings, but all are dealt with a touch and go manner.

There is no penetrating analysis of what brought about the birth of Kassim Ahmad, the homo sapien that took over the leadership of Party Rakyat from Malay nationalist Ahmad Boestamam. Nor is there ‘cerita dalama’ [inside story] to explain why he decided to turn a broad-based Malay nationalist party into a scientific –socialist one. Readers would want to find out the historical internal debates amongst his ‘comrades’ or party memebrs when he ‘ousted’ Ahamad Boestamam – the first Prime Minister we never had.

I remember clearly the major schism that developed in the Malay left as the result of Kassim’s scientific socialism, his Marxist-Leninist and also Maoist school of thought. In my second year at the University of Malaya as a member of the Kelab Sosialis, I was no longer a fellow traveler. Though I could still follow the ideological debates, reading material had become limited. Thus I was hoping some of the convoluted debates of that era would be clarified here, but there is nothing about them in Mencai Jalan Pulang.

Kassim touches on the Asian, African and Latin American struggles for independence against the background of the Cold War, but without his own ideological and critical analysis. The Sino-Soviet conflict, as I recall, was the cause of the major debates among Kelab Sosialis members, but it is not on the orbit that Kassim has chosen for this book.

The subtitle of Mencari Jalan Pulang, Daripada Sosialisma Kepada Islam, aptly describes a confused soul who was sesat jalan – lost on his way to a nowhere place, headed in a nowhere direction. Why did he become a born –again Muslim after he had embraced scientific socialism as an ideology? What was his criticism of Marxism? The pertinent question was answered by a Palestinian comrade whom Kassim and I knew well: the fear of death is lingering as one gets older. I can subscribe to part of that argument, but a shallow understanding of that ideology may be the core reason, because Kassim almost turns name-dropper in Mencari Jalan Pulang – names of ancient and modern thinkers are liberally sprinkled, so much so one begins to wonder if Kassim really understood what all those were about.

Sometimes in the early seventies, I read Kassim’s review of Maxime Rodinson’s Muhammad. It was an elegant, rationalist study of the life of the Prophet by the French Marxist historian and sociologist. In conclusion, Rodinson regarded Muhammad as our Arab brother. Kassim, in concluding his review, considered Rodinson a brother too. I should conclude my review of Kassim’s autobiography by saying that may be Kassim after all his sesat years is trying to be a brother.

Kassim Ahmad’s rebuttal:

8 July, 2008

This is obviously a case of an ex-fellow-traveler not wanting to be an ex when confronted with the reality and truth of his error. It has been well-said that truth is bitter, but it is the truth that will set you free, as Prophet Jesus said. What courage Hishamuddin had arrogated to himself by claiming that I did not know what I was doing when I criticized Marxism and that I was confused, and further landed myself in this confusion because of the fear death, “as one grows old”! What a profound observation!
I was 53 years old when I published my Hadis – Satu Penilaian Semula, a book that shook the foundations of Muslim orthodox theology which after twenty-years is still being debated. Was I afraid of death when I wrote that book? If orthodox ulamas have their way, I would be an apostate, not meriting a decent Muslim burial! What a way of choosing to die for this fearer of death!

Marxism was a revolutionary doctrine in those days, and young people, anywhere, should be imbued with revolutionary fervor. In the University in the early 70-ties, Hishamuddin was one, indicating, rather flatteringly in his review, how he followed my intellectual development However, it must be said, that many fail to see through Marxism’s fundamental error, being a materialist doctrine, rooted in the old classical materialism of the Greeks and carried forward as a false philosophical strain into modern Western philosophy. Anyhow, Marxism is history today, and Hishamuddin and his likes had better accept this reality and bitter truth. Any intellectual worthy of the name must be prepared to confront the truth and deal with it.

That said, however, the valid legacies of Marxism and socialism are there to be carried forward to the New Just World that is being borne, as I said in my book.

This anarchist reviewer is, however, not interested in truth. I hear that he runs a philosophical class somewhere in Bangsar. One of these days, I might attend the class and listen to his definition of truth. I am not likely to waste my time with such likes, though. My memoir explains briefly, but clearly, my almost life-long intellectual journey, including my early ideological make-up and my short, rather naïve, idealistic plunge into scientific socialism, but the ideologically-blocked, Hishamuddin included, can and will never see the truth. Obviously, he has not read the book carefully, having concluded before he began that the writer was a confused person, lost and homeless.

That, sadly, is the truth of the matter of Hishamuddin’s critical review of my book; not that I dislike criticism, having had to handle criticism at every step of my life. What is dislike in his review is falsehood and dishonesty masquerading behind a facade of intellectualism.

Comments (14)Add Comment
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written by shan, July 18, 2008 14:55:19
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written by SeriousLy, July 18, 2008 15:26:48
It's funny! (1) UMNO ruled actually by a non-malay for 22 years! (2) UMNO philosophy is changed and planted by a non-Malay for 22 years (3) UMNO is racial based yet a non-Malay managed the organization so well for 22 years and once this non-Malay resigned everything comes tumbling down!
QUESTION: WHY??? Because for 22 years this non-Malay has been capitalizing on Malay weakness! smilies/shocked.gif
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written by cwy, July 18, 2008 15:39:49
"It has been well-said that truth is bitter, but it is the truth that will set you free, as Prophet Jesus said."

I also read that Jesus said, " I am the Way, the Truth and the Life!"
I suppose that this Ahmad Kassim did not attend the catholic school or methodist school before where bibles are available for non-Christians to read. Hope that he has found the way ( jalan ).

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written by oster, July 18, 2008 16:26:16
Judging from the comments here, the Malay Left is well and truly dead. It's more or less dead in Indonesia as well.

What's more intriguing though, is the contention that Socialism is distinct from Islam. Granted, a lot of people have appropriated the term for their own use, but certainly, it is quite unfair to have titled the book "Daripada Sosialisma Kepada Islam" wherein the author only considers his own brand of Socialism.

cheers
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written by little dragon, July 18, 2008 16:38:59
few know or r awares dat after d japanese occupation, d earliest malay nationalists were d PKMM, n NOT umno. they organized themselves with other non-malay groups n trade unions to demand independence from d british n even drew up a draft constitution that among others specified equal rights for all citizens n for singapore to join d federation.

their aim was to kick d british out n this presented a big headache for d administrators which took draconian measures to crush them. bcoz of their left leanings, many were incarcerated when d british declared emergency.

where was umno then n wat did they do? y, how n who conspired to oust onn jaafar? d 10 odd yrs between 1946 n 1957 is a valuable treasure throve of our country's past n shud b revisited to c whether wat umno is telling us today is really d truth.
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written by ibabonma, July 18, 2008 21:43:23
Left or right, public enemy no.1 is still UMNO.
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written by SUV, July 18, 2008 21:58:14
does kassim ahmad kutuk mahade in his latest book?

imo,communism,n socialism was more for the west...the prinsip2 of equality,liberty was being thrashed out by the industri revolution,n barbaric capitalism..something was needed to korek korek this imbalance..in came communism,but devilish stalin,mao,n their types darkened communism..just me 2 cents
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written by SUV, July 18, 2008 22:22:25
Question: Do you think that in Russia what they have attempted is real democracy?

Sri Aurobindo: In Europe they have always tried for democracy. Real democracy has always failed, and failed because it is against human nature. There are certain men who are bound to govern. One must be prepared to face facts. Even in the democracies those men manage to rule and one knows too well the villagers do not. Only, those people govern in their name, and it sometimes makes them more free and reckless. In Russia — one does not know the exact situation — the attempt was for creating real rule of the people, i.e. of the village. You see in what it has ended? It has established again an oligarchy of the Lenin-party. One may even ask: What has Russia created? It has tried to destroy capital and thus tried to destroy and perhaps succeeded in destroying city life. It is trying mechanically to equalise men. But it is not a success. The Western social life rests on interests and rights. It depends upon the vitalistic existence of men which is largely governed by his rational mind helped by scientific inventions. Reason gives man the rigid methods of classification and mental construction and theory to justify his interests and rights, and science gives him the required efficiency, force and power. Thus he is sure of his goal. But one may say that, though organised and effective, European life is not organic. The view that it takes of man is a very imperfect view, and the ideal it sets before man an incomplete ideal. That is why you find there class-war and struggle for rights governed by the rational intellect. Europe-anal life is very powerful because it can put the whole force of its life at once in operation by a coordination of all its members. In old times the ideal was different. They — the ancients-based their society on the structure of religion. I do not mean narrow religion but the highest law of our being. The whole social fabric was built up to fulfil that purpose. There was no talk in those days of individual liberty in the present sense of the term. But there was absolute communal liberty. Every community was completely free to develop its own religion, — the law of its being. Even the selection of the line was a matter of free choice for the individual.

I do not believe that because a man is governed by another man, or one class by another class, there is always oppression: for instance, the Brahmins never ruled but they were never oppressed by others rather they oppressed other people. The government becomes useless and bad when one class or one nation keeps another down and governs it for its own benefit and does not allow the class or nation to follow its own Dharma, — the law of its being.

In ancient times each community had its own Dharma and within itself it was independent. Every village, every city had its own organisation quite free from all political control and within that every individual was free — free to change and take up another line for his development. But all this was not put into a definite political unit. There were, of course attempts at that kind of expression of life but they were only partially successful. The whole community in India was a very big one and the community-culture based on Dharma was not thrown into a kind of organisation which would resist external aggression; and ultimately we were brought to the present stage.

Now the problem is how to organise the future life of the country. I myself am a communist in a certain sense but I cannot agree with the Russian method. One may ask: after all what has Russia created? Even among our present workers in India there is a lack of that definite idea as to what they are about and what kind of thing they want. That is the reason why men like Dr. Bhagwandas propose some mental constructions like asking men to go in for politics after 50 years age and so on. That does not seem to me to be the correct method, and I believe whoever pursues it will encounter complete failure.

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written by Uncorruptible, July 18, 2008 23:09:33
Kassim screwed up the Parti Sosialis Rakyat Malaysia, caused it to almost collapse, then left to join an evil party, umno, where he was kicked out a short while later. He is a turncoat, pure and simple.
He can never ever fool anyone again that he is, or was a socialist.
He is just another Lai Teck.
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written by weathermen, July 19, 2008 13:19:09
hang takmau jawab dia balik ka sham? smilies/cool.gif
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written by Fairminded, August 18, 2008 22:21:45
Kassim is indeed lost because he joined UMNO. Hope he can find his way back home, to PKR. May the force guide you to the right path.
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written by Jit Dharma, August 24, 2008 23:40:46
Marxists without power will plead for equality and redistribution of wealth.
With power they will argue for mass murder. Why? Because it's nice to be king.
Just look at Lenin, Mao or Pol Pot.Lincoln says that you test a mans character
with power. That isn't ideology, it's uncommon sense.Which is something these
big-talking marxists always lacked. An understanding of human nature.The reorganization of society always ends with them on top.Or what's best for
society is coincidentally also best for them.No wonder it's a total failure.
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written by Fart Fart Wah, August 30, 2008 22:54:55
when I was young my father used to sit in a china man coffee shop with the melayu fellow and the india fellow..they use to drink and eat together..the malay fellow just avoided the pork..that is all..and they called each bodoh punya melayu, diam keling, and tipu punya cina...

all this was ok...they used to laugh..and have fun...

today...its is sensitive...because we have bodoh punya UMNO ...
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